Central Asia’s enormous natural resources and strategic position make it an essential actor in global political and economic structure adjustment. Simultaneously, the issue of Central Asian integration has long sparked passionate debate among diverse groups. Following their independence, Central Asian nations’ regional integration process may be divided into three separate periods.
The first phase, which lasted from 1990 to 2005, was marked by the establishment of joint efforts among the region’s newly established republics. During this time, the Central Asian Union was founded, which later evolved into the Central Asian Cooperation Organization.
The succeeding phase, which lasted from 2005 to 2016, saw a period of stagnation in Central Asian regional integration. This was largely due to the Central Asian Cooperation Organization’s entry into the Eurasian Economic Union, which was heavily influenced by Russia.
The current phase, which runs from 2017 to the present, has seen a resurgence in regional integration initiatives. Central Asian countries have been holding yearly consultative meetings to explore and solve regional concerns and difficulties, indicating a renewed commitment to strengthening collaboration and cooperation among governments.
Uzbekistan is essentially driving this endeavor. Since taking office in 2016, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev has emphasized reforms and openness to the outside world, as well as increasing the degree of economic cooperation among Central Asian countries. Through trans-regional projects, Uzbekistan has launched a number of measures to improve regional integration and connection.
With Uzbekistan’s recent move to relax visa rules, the Central Asian regional integration process has advanced significantly. Uzbekistan has created the path for more people-to-people interactions, economic collaboration, and cultural exchange with other nations in the area by streamlining visa requirements, therefore contributing to a more integrated and prosperous Central Asia.
According to statistics, the flow of individuals between Uzbekistan and other Central Asian countries has surged in recent years. For instance, the number of visitors from surrounding countries visiting Uzbekistan increased significantly in 2017–2018. During that time, Uzbekistan received 2.3 million visitors from Kazakhstan, 1.4 million from Kyrgyzstan, 1.4 million from Tajikistan, and 600,000 from Turkmenistan. The number of Uzbeks visiting these nations has likewise increased.
According to Uzbek diplomat Ilhom Nematov, the number of individuals crossing the Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan state boundary has increased significantly from 200–300 five years ago to more than 30,000 now. He also stated that an arrangement with Tajikistan has allowed all 17 border crossings to reopen after previously being closed.
Uzbekistan is also an active participant in a number of regional transportation initiatives, playing an important role in their implementation. The first is the $6 billion Trans-Afghan railway project, which is expected to be finished by 2027. The railway would provide an important transit link between South Asia and Central Asian neighbors such as Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan. This would facilitate the flow of products, people, and services in the area, fostering trade and economic integration. It would also provide a more efficient and cost-effective method of moving commodities across Central Asia.
The second proposal is the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway, which has been discussed for more than two decades. The railroad gained traction when the three nations agreed to fund a feasibility study jointly in September 2021. The initiative is projected to benefit the three nations as well as the area as a whole in terms of economic and strategic advantages.
The Trans-Afghan and China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway projects are two examples of how railway infrastructure may promote Central Asian regional cooperation and development. These initiatives may improve commerce, transportation, and security in the area while also creating new prospects for economic growth and social advancement by connecting diverse nations and markets. As a result, all stakeholders should pursue and support these projects.
Uzbekistan has made tremendous headway in demarcating and delimiting its boundaries with neighboring nations, providing another boost to regional integration. Border issues between Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, as well as Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, have benefited regional stability and collaboration. Uzbekistan has proved its commitment to regional integration and cooperation by successfully negotiating border accords with all of its neighbors.
Furthermore, Uzbekistan has concentrated not only on settling its own border concerns but has also played a positive role in assisting its neighbors in resolving their border conflicts. This was seen in Mirziyoyev’s help during the Tajik-Kyrgyz border dispute in April 2021. While there are still border concerns in Central Asia, Uzbekistan’s proactive approach and readiness to find solutions are commendable.
Uzbekistan’s initiatives in this area have the potential to position it as a Central Asian regional leader, contributing to the region’s overall stability and growth. These measures demonstrate that Uzbekistan has prioritized regional cooperation and integration in its foreign policy.
Despite the limited progress made in regional integration among Central Asian nations, there are still various obstacles impeding the process of strengthening their collaboration.
First, Uzbek diplomacy’s reorientation might offer a significant impediment to the integration process. Under Islam Karimov’s tenure, the nation had an isolationist and authoritarian posture that hampered its regional integration. However, since Mirziyoyev’s ascent, the country has chosen a more open and cooperative diplomacy, which has improved its regional ties. However, owing to foreign and internal regional causes, this scenario may alter. For example, the COVID-19 epidemic has halted the previously rapid integration process. Alternatively, policy may change in response to the interests of the nations concerned. Water shortage difficulties in the region, in particular, may influence Uzbekistan’s strategy and the integration process.
Second, the lack of a shared identity among Central Asian countries is a key impediment to regional integration. Central Asian nations continue to hold divergent perspectives on their regional identity, which is impacted by historical, cultural, political, and economic issues. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, for example, are members of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and consider themselves to be European, but Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan are more oriented toward Asia and the Islamic world. Tajikistan is heavily influenced by Persian culture, whereas the rest are Turkic in nature. Some treasure their Soviet history, while others respect national sovereignty. As a result of this lack of common identity, the smooth commencement or development of Central Asian integration will be challenging in the long run.
Third, organizations such as the SCO and the EAEU impede Central Asian regional integration in a variety of ways. The SCO and EAEU are driven by China and Russia’s geopolitical ambitions, which are not always aligned with the interests and requirements of Central Asian countries. For example, China’s Belt and Road Initiative, which is intimately tied to the SCO, has been chastised in several Central Asian nations for causing debt traps, environmental concerns, and civil instability. Russia’s EAEU has been accused of weakening its members’ sovereignty and economic autonomy, particularly Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan.